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The appointments of Sebas Bastian and Leslia Miller-Brice to the Cabinet following the May 12 general election are already raising a deeper national question on whether or not casino and gaming operators can truly separate business influence from public office.

Bastian, founder of Island Luck, said he stepped down as CEO in March 2026 before becoming Minister of Innovation and National Development. Meanwhile, Leander Brice, husband of newly appointed Minister of Culture Leslia Miller-Brice, reportedly stepped down as CEO of Sure Win shortly before her appointment.

The Gaming Act bars Cabinet ministers and their close family members from holding gaming licences.

Technically, those resignations may satisfy the legal requirements surrounding gaming interests and Cabinet appointments, according to the PLP government. But politically and ethically, it raises questions.

The bigger issue evolves into influence and public trust.

Bastian and Brice, as gaming operators hold enormous influence in the Bahamas. They are tied to money, business networks and donor ships. Many now question whether stepping away from an executive title removes the relationships, influence and access built over years inside the industry.

Even if Bastian and Brice are no longer formally connected to gaming management positions, many Bahamians still wonder whether the spirit of the Gaming Act was intended to create a wider separation between gaming influence and political power altogether.

The appointments opened Prime Minister Philip Davis to accusations of inconsistency. In 2025, Davis publicly said amending the law to allow Cabinet ministers with gaming interests was “not on the table,” creating the impression that Bastian and Brice would remain separated from Cabinet.

Now, many see a contradiction between Davis’ earlier comments and the optics of these appointments.

The appointments raise important questions about where the line between gaming business power and political power should truly be drawn in the Bahamas.

When the dust settled after the May 12 general election, some of the most surprising results were those who survived politically.

Several incumbents widely viewed as vulnerable heading into the election, managed to hold onto their seats, despite criticism, controversy, shifting voter moods and constituencies known for political swings.

Among them were Myles Laroda, Michael Darville, Patricia Deveaux, Wayde Watson, McKell Bonaby, Leonardo Lightbourne, Sylvanus Petty, Kirk Cornish and newcomer Obie Roberts.

Many expected at least some of those seats to flip.

Incumbency and Progressive Liberal Party structure may have mattered more than anti-government frustrations in some constituencies.

Laroda entered the election still facing criticism over unresolved flooding problems that have frustrated residents for years. Pinewood has historically been a swing seat, frequently changing major parties depending on the national mood. Yet voters returned him for a second term.

Tall Pines presented another surprise. Darville faced sustained criticism over the state of healthcare nationally, an issue directly tied to his ministerial portfolio. The constituency itself has a history of moving between parties. Still, he survived and secured a second consecutive term.

In Bamboo Town, Deveaux was widely criticized by opponents and online commentators, with many believing she was one of the more vulnerable incumbents. Yet she retained the seat.

Bonaby also overcame political pressure tied to allegations surrounding the Beaches and Parks Authority, where he served as chairman. Despite the controversy, many constituents continued to describe him as a strong member of parliament.

Some victories came from seats many believed were temporary PLP gains after the 2021 backlash against the Hubert Minnis administration’s handling of COVID-19.

Petty held North Eleuthera again despite the constituency’s long-standing FNM history. Cornish also survived as a backbencher, many thought would only serve one term.

Meanwhile, Leonardo Lightbourne retained support in North Andros and the Berry Islands even as FNM challenger Janice Oliver appeared to gain strong momentum throughout the campaign.

Southern Shores may have produced one of the election’s most unexpected outcomes. Many believed FNM candidate Denalee Penn had the advantage because of long-term constituency work, and name recognition. But the race became complicated after incumbent Leroy Major ran as an independent following his previous PLP victory there.

In the end, Obie Roberts emerged victorious in a constituency known for constantly shifting political directions.

South Beach has developed a reputation as a flip-flopping constituency in Bahamian politics.

Unlike traditional strongholds, South Beach has consistently shifted between the Progressive Liberal Party and the Free National Movement over successive election cycles, making it a key battleground heading into May 12.

The current race features incumbent Bacchus Rolle for the PLP, facing Darren Henfield for the FNM and Karon Farrington representing the Coalition of Independents.

In 2021, Rolle secured the seat with 1,959 votes, defeating the FNM’s Jeffrey Lloyd, who received 1,296 votes. The Coalition of Independents candidate earned 322 votes.

South Beach’s voting history suggests that such leads are not permanent.

Over the past four election cycles, the seat has alternated between parties: Cleola Hamilton (PLP) in 2012, Lloyd (FNM) in 2017, and now Rolle (PLP) in 2021. Earlier, Phenton Neymour held the seat for the FNM in 2007.

This shows that South Beach voters are willing to shift their support, often in response to national mood, candidate appeal, and local concerns.

Rolle enters the race with the advantage of incumbency.

However, Henfield is not an unknown challenger. As a former Member of Parliament for North Abaco, he has experience and name recognition, factors that could help consolidate FNM support.

While Farrington is new to frontline politics, her presence reflects a broader sentiment among some voters who are increasingly open to alternatives outside the two major parties. Historically, third-party candidates have struggled to win seats, but they can influence the result by drawing votes away from traditional party bases.

Still, the race remains between the PLP and the FNM.

Days after Parliament was prorogued, the Progressive Liberal Party has moved quickly to install large-scale signs pairing the party’s candidates with Prime Minister Philip Davis.

On the surface, it may seem like a simple design choice, but it is a party strategy.

Traditionally, campaign signs show the individual candidate of the constituency. This time, there is a change, placing Davis prominently alongside candidates. The PLP appears to be nationalizing the election, turning constituency races into a broader referendum on Davis’ leadership.

The message is clear that a vote for the PLP candidate is a vote for Davis.

There are advantages to this strategy. Davis, as incumbent prime minister, carries authority. For new, lesser-known or weaker candidates, closeness to the leader can transfer voter perceived credibility and trust. It also creates a unified campaign image of one party, one message and one face.

But the strategy is also risky.

When the PLP campaign leans heavily on Davis, if voters are dissatisfied with Davis, it can ripple across constituencies, negatively impacting candidates who might otherwise stand on their own record or constituency appeal.

It also raises a deeper question about how voters make decisions.

Are Bahamians voting for the PLP candidate on the ballot or Davis behind them?

With Parliament prorogued and the country edging closer to an election, the PLP is framing the choice before the election is formally announced.

Marco City will be watched closely in the upcoming general election, and at the center of it is Michael Pintard.

The Free National Movement leader is seeking a third consecutive term as Member of Parliament for the Grand Bahama seat, a break from the constituency’s long-standing pattern of turnovers.

This time, the PLP has put forward Edward Whan, a businessman from Freeport, while the Coalition of Independents is represented by Jillian Bartlett. It raises familiar questions about vote splitting and whether third-party candidates can meaningfully disrupt the two-party race.

Historically, Marco City has switched between the FNM and the Progressive Liberal Party every election cycle, making sustained dominance rare.

The seat has moved from Pleasant Bridgewater (PLP) to Zhivargo Laing (FNM), then to Greg Moss (PLP), before Pintard’s back-to-back victories.

Pintard first won the seat in 2017 and held it again in 2021, where he secured 2,340 votes, comfortably ahead of PLP candidate Curt G. Hollingsworth, who received 1,359. Third-party and independent candidates, including those aligned with the Coalition of Independents, collectively drew a smaller but notable share of the vote.

Still, the focus remains on Pintard.

As both incumbent and party leader, his candidacy carries weight beyond the constituency. A third win would solidify his local political strength but also show momentum for the FNM nationally. A loss, however, would raise immediate questions about the party’s path to government.

As Election 2026 approaches, a question is surfacing again: Are members of the Free National Movement judged more harshly in controversy than their Progressive Liberal Party counterparts?

Among some voters, the perception is clear. When allegations or associations emerge, FNM figures often face swift calls for resignation or withdrawal. PLP leaders, critics argue, are more likely to defend, dismiss or outlast controversy.

The difference lies not just in the issue but in the response.

In 2023, when Immigration Minister Keith Bell faced criticism over decisions that some said bypassed senior immigration officials, the FNM called for his resignation. At the time, PLP Chairman Fred Mitchell publicly said he advised Bell not to respond to the controversy, suggesting it would not be beneficial.

The incident showed the PLP’s instinct to contain and stand firm rather than concede ground.

The pattern is being debated again.

After the arrest of Malcolm Goodman in the United States on drug charges, some PLP voices called on the FNM to reconsider Marvin Dames’ nomination for Mt Moriah, despite Dames not being accused of wrongdoing.

Dames acknowledged a past business arrangement with Goodman but denied any knowledge of alleged criminal activity.

At the same time, Sebas Bastian’s name appeared in recently released Jeffrey Epstein-related documents referencing trafficking allegations — allegations he has denied.

There has been no internal campaign within PLP ranks demanding political distance.

Prime Minister Philip Davis publicly stood by Bastian, insisting the claims would not affect the party’s election campaign.

Davis has also publicly stood by businessman Adrian Fox, who previously faced U.S. legal trouble connected to human smuggling allegations before entering a plea to a lesser vessel-related charge.

Davis told reporters Fox was both a client and a friend. He wrote to a U.S. judge urging a lenient sentence and later said that if given the opportunity, he would do it again.

To critics, this posture signals boldness, even defiance, in the face of controversy. To supporters, it reflects loyalty and a belief in second chances.

The broader question remains: Is accountability applied consistently, or through partisan lenses?

The Progressive Liberal Party on Thursday night ratified 15 candidates for the upcoming general election, with the slate dominated by sitting members of Parliament.

Of the 15 candidates approved, 12 are incumbents, while only three are new faces. This lineup suggests continuity of government as the party pushes further into campaign mode.

Ratification formally confirms the party’s endorsement of candidates and shows who will contest constituencies under the PLP banner. While the move does not guarantee success at the polls, it is an important step in the election cycle and allows candidates to begin campaigning officially.

Incumbents have an advantage, including name recognition, established constituencies, and parliamentary experience. Several of the ratified candidates currently serve in the Cabinet.

At the same time, the small number of new candidates can suggest that the party opted for measured changes rather than a broad refresh of its team going into the election. The three newcomers were introduced in South Abaco (Bradley Fox), MICAL (Ronnel Armbrister) and St James (Owen Wells), indicating targeted decisions—new constituencies added to the electoral map, and a few parliamentarians the party decided to take off the ticket this time around.

Watch here the PLP ratification of its second round of candidates.

With fewer new faces on the slate, the party’s campaign is shaped largely by familiar figures. With no sweeping adjustments across the ballot, it is similar to the 2021 slate.

For incumbents, voters shift attention to their records in office, and campaigns focus more on past performance, constituency work, and visibility.

Voters may judge new candidates on their ideas and work in the constituencies.

Voters will decide the outcome of the campaign period ahead.

The PLP is expected to wrap up ratifications in other constituencies as preparations for the general election intensify.

The Progressive Liberal Party is beginning to tighten its internal processes before the general election is called.

On Tuesday, eleven incumbents and aspiring candidates appeared before the Candidates Committee as decisions are being weighed ahead of the next general election, which is constitutionally due this year.

This round of interviews stood out because of the large number of hopefuls. Prime Minister Philip Davis also showed up himself. This sends a strong message publicly, and it can signal some type of readiness.

The group of potential candidates included former Senator Robyn Lynes; Ormanique Bowe (for Free Town); broadcaster Chris Saunders (for St. Anne’s); businessman Keno Wong (for St. Anne’s); Latorna McPhee (for St. Anne’s); and Bimini resident Tasha Bullard-Hamilton (for Bimini and Berry Islands).

Incumbents also appeared before the committee defending their records: Wayne Munroe, Wayde Watson for Bain and Grants Town, Zane Lightbourne for Yamacraw, Patricia Deveaux for Bamboo Town, and Lisa Rahming for Marathon.

Wayne Munroe, MP for Freetown, has framed his challenger, Bowe, as healthy competition, emphasizing unity over division. Parties nearing an election tend to manage internal differences carefully, knowing that public confidence often depends more on perception of cohesion.

“I always say that when somebody else steps up and is able to step up, that shows that a party is rich and has a defense. I happen to believe that I’m the best candidate to contest this seat, and that is what my position is, but it is her right to come and ask for a nomination, and I do not take it personally,” Munroe told reporters.

Bowe arrived with jitney buses of supporters and a Junkanoo rush-out, with shouts of “Wayne gotta go”.

“I am very confident, and like you say, the supporters show who they are behind today,” she said.

Candidate selection determines who carries the party banner, who steps aside. When these decisions are made, the path is smoother to election mode.

Davis’ appearance adds weight to the moment. It could mean an election is imminent, and it shows the party is positioning itself for the election before September.

Some of the party’s candidates will be ratified on Thursday: Sylvanus Petty, Kirk Cornish, Clay Sweeting, and Bradley Fox Jr.

Photo credit: William Mortimer