election2026

Two weeks after the general election, the new Cabinet of Philip Davis held its first meeting, revealing where real power may sit within government.

Not every minister carries the same influence. Some control money, national crises, infrastructure, international relations and public confidence, while other ministers shape policy behind the scenes.

Based on their influence, importance and closeness to Davis, these ministers appear to be among the most powerful figures in government.

At the center is Michael Halkitis. Davis no longer holds the Finance portfolio himself, handing full responsibility to Halkitis. That move shows enormous trust. Finance remains the most influential ministry because every arm of government depends on budget approval. Halkitis now becomes the public face of the economy as the government prepares the 2026/2027 budget.

Chester Cooper remains one of Cabinet’s most influential figures despite moving into Education, Science and Technology. The appointment suggests the government may be linking education, innovation and workforce modernization to long-term economic development.

Crime remains one of the country’s most emotional political issues, which could place Myles LaRoda under constant pressure. National Security is one of the most sensitive ministries in government.

JoBeth Coleby-Davis gained one of the broadest portfolios in Cabinet after Aviation was added to her responsibilities. The move suggests the government sees energy and infrastructure as connected to economic growth and national stability.

Tourism Minister Glenys Hanna-Martin now oversees the country’s most important economic engine. Her appointment shows that Davis may be prioritising her experience and stability in tourism leadership.

The return of Wayne Munroe through the Senate after losing his seat suggests Davis still sees him as strategically important. As Attorney General, Munroe remains central to legal reform and constitutional matters.

Jerome Fitzgerald could become one of Cabinet’s strongest behind-the-scenes operators after previously serving as Davis’ senior policy advisor and reelection campaign manager.

Public Works Minister Clay Sweeting oversees roads, infrastructure and Family Island projects, making his ministry highly visible and politically important.

Veteran politician Fred Mitchell remains influential through diplomacy, regional relationships and international representation.

Pia Glover-Rolle gained additional responsibility with National Insurance added to her portfolio, showing Davis’ confidence in her ability to continually manage labor tensions and public sector disputes.

Despite criticism from the Bahamas Nurses Union, Dr. Michael Darville retained Health, one of the government’s most publicly scrutinized ministries.

And Ginger Moxey remains politically important as Grand Bahama continues to represent economic recovery, investment hopes and national redevelopment efforts.

The Cabinet reveals a government relying heavily on trusted loyalists, experienced veterans and crisis managers as the Davis administration enters what could become one of its most demanding terms yet.

The reappointment of Patricia Deveaux as Speaker of the House is the continuation of the same atmosphere, tone and governing party’s strategy inside Parliament itself.

For many Bahamians, Deveaux emerge from the last parliamentary term as the most polarizing figures: combative, theatrical, deeply partisan and, at times, startlingly personal in her exchanges with Opposition members.

The Speaker’s chair, in the Westminster-style system, is traditionally meant to show restraint and disciplined authority. The position works best when the Speaker shows she is above political tribalism, protecting both the government’s legislative agenda and the Opposition’s right to challenge it.

Deveaux often seemed uninterested in that balance.

Inside the House of Assembly, a pattern developed last term. An Opposition MP would rise to make a point. Before the thought could fully form, a government member would spring upward on a “point of order.” Deveaux would recognize it immediately, shutting down the momentum and the debate.

The Opposition member, frequently visibly frustrated, would sit before completing the argument.

Over time, Parliament failed to feel like a place of deliberation.

Her supporters may argue that she is merely enforcing parliamentary rules against an unruly Opposition. But critics see a Speaker wielding Parliamentary procedure as weaponry.

And this term, the imbalance inside Parliament could become even more dramatic.

The governing Progressive Liberal Party now controls 33 seats in the House of Assembly, while the Opposition Free National Movement holds only eight.

That dominance gives the government overwhelming control over proceedings, voting and the overall atmosphere inside the chamber. It means government MPs can repeatedly rise to defend the government, interrupt Opposition arguments, dominate debate time and reinforce the Speaker during tense exchanges.

Eight FNM MPs now face Parliament packed with government voices and a Speaker many already view as hostile.

And it was the tone that disturbed many observers during the last term.

Her exchange with Adrian White became one of the defining moments of the previous Parliament because the interaction felt so intensely personal. “Don’t play with me,” she warned him. Later referring to him dismissively as “baby,” she lectured the Opposition member less like a parliamentary equal and more like an exasperated school principal disciplining children.

White’s response — asking to be addressed respectfully as an adult and father, only escalated the spectacle.

For many watching, the discomfort was palpable.

Parliament, ideally, should show seriousness, intellectual discipline and democratic maturity.

Deveaux returns exactly as the Davis administration enters perhaps the most politically delicate opening of any recent Bahamian government. Questions surrounding “Politician-1,” DEA affidavits and allegations tied to Parliament itself threaten to dominate the national conversation, which is why her reappointment feels even more politically strategic.

The government understands what is coming— an aggressive Opposition, sharper scrutiny and emotionally charged debates over corruption, transparency and credibility.

The return of Jerome Fitzgerald to the Cabinet may prove a politically sensitive appointment of Prime Minister Philip Davis’ second term because of what his public image represents.

Fitzgerald is now placed in charge of economic affairs nearly a decade after the Baha Mar contract controversy helped make him one of the main causes of the Progressive Liberal Party’s crushing 2017 election defeat.

Economic affairs portfolios involve investment discussions, business relationships, procurement issues, contracts, negotiations and access to powerful financial interests.

Those responsibilities now sit with a Fitzgerald whose most damaging controversy centered on leaked emails involving efforts to secure business opportunities tied to Baha Mar for a company formed by his father.

The controversy surrounding Fitzgerald was politically damaging because leaked emails showed him seeking brokerage, trucking and limousine contracts connected to Baha Mar for Bahamas Cargo & Logistics, for his father.

Fitzgerald later admitted publicly that he contacted original Baha Mar developer Sarkis Izmirlian seeking assistance for the family business after his father became ill, though he maintained that nothing came from the effort and that he held no ownership stake in the company.

Still, many at the time argued the actions appeared to conflict with the Manual of Cabinet and Ministry Procedure, which states ministers should not solicit benefits or future advantages for themselves, immediate family members or associated businesses from persons seeking contractual relationships with the government.

While Fitzgerald denied wrongdoing and was never criminally charged, the controversy politically damaged him and reinforced narratives in 2017 surrounding conflicts of interest, insider influence and blurred lines between public office and private business interests.

Many may now question whether placing Fitzgerald over economic matters sends the wrong signal at a time when the Davis administration is already facing renewed public scrutiny over transparency, accountability and corruption concerns following recent international allegations involving a “high-ranking Bahamian politician.”

Some acknowledge he is politically experienced and strategically influential in the PLP. Davis himself has repeatedly defended him, once insisting there was “no harm, no foul” regarding the Baha Mar controversy.

Supporters of Fitzgerald would argue he has already spent years advising Davis behind the scenes and helping engineer the PLP’s successful re-election campaign. To them, his return is  trust earned.

Still, the appointment revives the controversies the PLP once struggled to escape–business influence and accountability now that he is back at the center of power.

The Free National Movement may have lost the 2026 general election, but for many supporters of Michael Pintard, the defeat does not feel like the end of his political story. Some believe the defeat may only be the beginning.

Pintard now returns to the House of Assembly for a second consecutive term as Opposition Leader after the FNM failed to remove Philip Davis and the Progressive Liberal Party from office. But despite the loss, many Bahamians still see him as a future prime minister in waiting.

Part of that comes from the difficult political moment he inherited. After the FNM’s crushing defeat in 2021, Pintard took over a damaged and divided FNM party still carrying the baggage of the Hubert Minnis era, COVID-19 backlash and internal fractures.

He inherited one of the hardest rebuilding jobs in modern Bahamian politics.

Yet many supporters believe he stabilized the party, restored energy to the FNM and repositioned the party as competitive again heading into the 2026 general election.

Pintard also possesses qualities many Bahamians believe are increasingly rare in politics. He is widely viewed as articulate, energetic and intellectually prepared. He communicates comfortably in both formal debate settings and emotional moments.

Supporters often describe him as thoughtful and willing to engage difficult national issues directly.

He also continues to maintain a strong and comfortable support in Marco City, winning the constituency for a third consecutive time, which is a sign that he still resonates strongly at the grassroots level.

Still, critics argue that Pintard did not fully connect with undecided voters or younger Bahamians during the campaign. Others believe he was too restrained in attacking the government at moments when voters were angry over transparency issues and the PLP government controversies.

As Opposition Leader again, all eyes will now turn to how effectively he challenges the Davis administration. The public will watch whether he can sharpen the FNM’s message, modernize the party and expand the party beyond its traditional base ahead of the next general election, constitutionally due by 2031.

For his supporters, however, one belief remains strong that Pintard’s political journey still feels unfinished.

After the aftermath of the May 12 general election, few defeats carried as much heartbreak as Brian Brown losing Golden Isles yet again.

For the third consecutive time, Brown fought for the constituency and came up short—first in the 2021 general election, then in the November 2025 by-election against Darron Pickstock of the Progressive Liberal Party, and now in the 2026 general election.

And what makes the defeat so emotional—Brown never disappeared from the constituency after losing.

While many candidates fade after election losses, Brown remained active in Golden Isles, continuing community work, assisting residents and maintaining a visible presence on the ground. Supporters repeatedly described him as community-minded, accessible and genuinely committed to the people of the area.

That persistence created belief within the Free National Movement that the seat was eventually within reach.

Especially after the 2025 by-election, where the narrow margin convinced many supporters that Golden Isles was winnable.

Brown secured 1,636 votes, or 42.24 percent, while Pickstock retained the seat with 1,873 votes, or 48.36 percent.

But once again, the numbers fell just short.

The 2026 race was further complicated by boundary changes that shifted portions of Golden Isles into the newly formed St James constituency.

Still, for Brown and his supporters, the result likely felt painfully familiar–close enough to inspire hope, but not enough to secure victory.

In a heartfelt message to supporters, Brown thanked residents for keeping “the fire burning” and insisted his commitment to Golden Isles remained unchanged.

“There’s more work to be done. There’s more people to help. There’s more communities to improve,” he said.

The public reaction that followed revealed something bigger than party politics.

One supporter told him, “You did an awesome job… Golden Isles love bad treatment.” Another called him “my good good MP” despite never officially winning the seat. Others openly expressed disappointment and admiration for his perseverance.

And now, after three losses, the difficult question hanging over his political future is: What comes next for someone voters clearly respect, but have still not elected?

After losing Central Grand Bahama to Free National Movement candidate Frazette Gibson, the Iram Lewis’ gamble appears to have failed.

Lewis’ move to the Coalition of Independents was politically significant because he was a sitting member of parliament, leaving one of the two dominant political organizations to test whether his popularity could outweigh FNM party loyalty.

The loss suggests it could not.

Central Grand Bahama has long been viewed as traditional FNM territory. In 2021, voters overwhelmingly supported Lewis while he carried the FNM banner. But in 2026, many of those same voters appeared to return to the FNM party.

Lewis’ decision to join the Coalition of Independents gave the movement something it previously lacked: a presence in Parliament and a degree of legitimacy. As the COI’s lone MP, he became proof that the third party could attract experienced political figures and compete in national conversations.

But visibility in Parliament did not automatically turn into big numbers at the polls.

Instead, the election reinforced one of the harshest realities of Bahamian politics: party machinery, organization and long-standing voter loyalty still carries weight, especially in stronghold constituencies.

Gibson entered the race backed by the full machine of the FNM, a party with deep roots in Central Grand Bahama. And ultimately, the FNM brand proved stronger than Lewis.

For the Free National Movement, James Leo Ferguson’s victory in MICAL was the continuation of a political legacy interrupted more than two decades ago by only four votes.

James Leo Ferguson was unofficially declared the winner of the MICAL constituency—Mayaguana, Inagua, Crooked Island, Acklins and Long Cay—defeating Ronnell Armbrister of the Progressive Liberal Party.

But behind the result lies a deeper political and emotional story.

In 2002, Ferguson’s late father, former FNM Senator and Chairman Johnlee Ferguson, contested the very same seat for the FNM. He lost to PLP veteran Alfred Gray by just four votes—609 to 613—in one of the narrowest defeats in modern Bahamian politics.

Twenty-four years later, the Ferguson name finally crossed the line in the House of Assembly.

The victory could represent the completion of unfinished family political business and the continuation of a legacy rooted deeply in MICAL.

James Ferguson was also one of the last candidates ratified by the FNM before the election. At the time, he explained he needed to officially retire from the Royal Bahamas Police Force before stepping fully into public political life.

A former assistant superintendent responsible for Inagua, Ferguson entered politics already carrying name recognition because of his father and longstanding Family Island ties.

During the campaign, he repeatedly spoke about reversing MICAL’s decline, particularly population loss among young people.

“MICAL used to be the leader in this country,” Ferguson said during the campaign. “Let’s go back to our roots.” He pointed to airlift, water supply and communication challenges as critical issues affecting the constituency.

Born in Betsy Bay, Mayaguana, with family roots in Acklins through his father, Ferguson’s message centered on identity, restoration and representation.

In many ways, James Ferguson’s win felt like the continuation and completion of a political legacy his father nearly secured a generation earlier.