theprogressiveliberalparty

A second term is supposed to begin with momentum, but the second Davis administration has instead spent much of its first month confronting questions it did not expect to dominate the national conversation.

The irony is that the controversy that has overshadowed the government’s opening weeks began on the very day it secured its election victory.

On May 12, election day, a plane crashed in Florida waters carrying Jonathan Eric Gardiner, a convicted drug trafficker who was later taken into U.S. custody. What initially appeared to be an unusual election-day incident soon turned into something far more dangerous.

Federal investigators would later allege that a Bahamian politician, identified only as ‘Politician-1,’ met with Gardiner, an undercover DEA agent in Parliament during 2024 to discuss facilitating a future cocaine shipment.

The most revealing aspect of the first month has been the allegations and how the government has chosen to handle them.

Prime Minister Philip Davis moved quickly to defend Finance Minister Michael Halkitis after questions emerged about Halkitis’ previous role as president and director of Top Notch Builders, a company linked to Gardiner.

The prime minister’s position is that he trusts Halkitis.

In many ways, that response was not surprising. Bahamians would not expect that a PLP government would call for one of their minister to resign at the sign of controversy. That rarely happens.But the Halkitis issue quickly became larger than Halkitis.The Opposition saw the matter as poor judgment, lack of accountability and transparency.

At the same time, another battle emerged inside Parliament itself.

Opposition Leader Michael Pintard sought to raise the DEA allegations during parliamentary proceedings. House Speaker Patricia Deveaux repeatedly resisted those efforts, ruling discussions out of order and preventing references to the allegations from becoming part of the parliamentary debate.

Deveaux and Foreign Affairs Minister Fred Mitchell would go further, describing the matter as “frivolous gossip,” “malicious gossip” and “public gossip.”

That language may ultimately become one of the defining political decisions of the government’s first month.

The issue became whether serious allegations tied to a federal drug trafficking investigation should be discussed openly at all.

The government’s apparent strategy has been clear: deny legitimacy to the allegations until evidence is produced through official investigative channels.

The Opposition’s strategy has been equally clear: argue that the allegations are already significant enough to warrant public scrutiny.

Neither side appears willing to retreat.

The administration has unveiled a new Cabinet, presented a national budget and attempted to project stability and continuity, which are normally the defining moments of a government’s opening weeks.

Instead, much of the public conversation has revolved around Jonathan Gardiner, Politician-1, DEA affidavits, parliamentary rulings and questions of accountability.

And the first month of Davis’ second term has revealed a government that prefers containment over confrontation, dismissal over amplification and institutional control over political risk.

Whether that strategy ultimately succeeds depends on a question that remains unanswered— Can the government convince Bahamians to move on before they feel they have received answers?

With the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) completing its candidate ratifications and announcing a full campaign launch at Baha Mar on February 16, attention is now shifting to when Prime Minister Philip Davis calls the general election.

Under the Constitution, the timing of the election rests solely with Davis. While the general election is constitutionally due this year, no official date has been announced.

However, political observers are increasingly pointing to the period immediately after Lent, which runs from February 18 to April 2, as a likely window.

One political insider suggested the second week of April is a strong possibility.

Traditionally, Lent is observed as a solemn period on the Christian calendar, and in the Bahamas, where religious observance is significant among Catholics and Anglicans, political leaders have often been cautious about appearing overly celebratory in campaign activity during this time.

However, there is no legal restriction preventing an election from being called during Lent.

When asked whether an election could be called during the 40-day observance, Office of the Prime Minister Communications Director Latrae Rahming declined to comment.

The PLP has already begun signaling it is ready to call an election. In addition to the national campaign launch, the party recently presented its ratified candidates in Grand Bahama, outlining development plans for the island and projecting momentum.

Calling the election shortly after Lent would allow the PLP to maintain campaign energy while avoiding accusations of politicizing the religious season.

As the campaign intensifies, the countdown is underway.

Political crossovers have long been used in Bahamian politics as proof that a party is gaining momentum, a signal that one party is gaining ground while another is losing it.

But the reaction to Caron Shepherd’s announcement at a press conference that she is now aligning with the Progressive Liberal Party suggests that the value placed on political crossovers is changing.

It seems like a forced and false attempt to create momentum.

Watch here the press conference with Caron Shepherd

Following the PLP’s presentation of Shepherd, social media reaction was swift and blunt. Many users asked, “Who is she?” while others responded, “Who cares?”

The response itself is telling.

“Is this the senior member you were talking about?” someone stated, surprisingly on social media, while another said, “I do not think this will move any voters.”

Others summed it up as “opportunism.”

Shepherd, a former president of the FNM Women’s Association, left the Free National Movement several years ago and later ran in the 2021 general election under the United Coalition of Independents. While she is now joining the PLP, her departure from the FNM does not seem recent, raising questions about how meaningful the crossover is to voters.

Watch here as she announces her candidacy for the United Coalition of Independents

What complicates the moment further is Shepherd’s own recent public record. Just last year, she sharply criticised the PLP government over its decision to expand food imports from the Dominican Republic, calling the move “a slap in the face to our farmers” and “the lowest of the low for our agricultural sector.” Her comments framed the policy as hypocritical and dismissive of Bahamian farmers and local production.

In a modern era where past statements are easily searchable and widely shared, political reinvention is harder.

Voters are increasingly more attentive to consistency and not just party colours.

The PLP’s decision to spotlight Shepherd appears aimed more at symbolizing this as a political movement as the campaign heats up. But this does not work because the public does not seem to buy the premise.

The online response suggests a shift. Many voters are less impressed by crossover announcements and more focused on timing, credibility, and substance.

As the election season unfolds, optics alone are no longer enough, and voters are asking sharper questions about who is switching sides, why, and whether it actually matters.

Featured images: Fred Mitchell (PLP chairman)

With its full slate of candidates now ratified, the Progressive Liberal Party is heading into the next general election betting on experience.

Out of 41 candidates, only eight are new faces. That means roughly 80 percent of the Progressive Liberal Party’s slate are incumbents, sitting members of Parliament who are seeking another term.

Just under 20 percent are newcomers.

The PLP would have to defend its record in an era when voters are calling for change.

Incumbency can come with advantages since sitting parliamentarians are already known in their constituencies. For the PLP, this tactic suggests they are confident that its candidates and MPs have done enough on the ground to convince voters they deserve another run.

But it also comes with risks.

When the PLP runs mostly incumbents on its ticket, the campaign becomes more about performance and voters ask have they done enough to deserve another term or do we vote for someone new. Unresolved issues from public healthcare frustrations and cost-of-living issues to crime concerns and road issues, land squarely at the feet of these MPs already in office, and they will feel the weight of voter dissatisfaction.

Because of this, the PLP cannot present itself as “new” or “refreshed.” With few new candidates, the PLP is not offering much break from the last five years.

This election will become more like a referendum on the PLP’s governance.

The PLP is asking for renewed trust on what it has already done. A political analyst said that is a harder sell than campaigning as an opposition, but it can only work if voters feel progress and stability more than a need for change.

Now that all candidates are ratified, the party has shifted into campaign mode. MPs are fanning out across constituencies, and the countdown to the dissolution of Parliament has begun.

The government’s new Smuggling of Migrants Bill was passed in Parliament on Monday. Still, only after a major controversy that forced the removal of Clause 11, a section critics said offered protection to migrants while only placing the full burden of punishment on the smugglers.

Clause 11 became the most debated part of the bill, causing public backlash and political pushback from Bahamians who believe both the smuggler and the smuggled should face consequences.

Here’s what Clause 11 actually said and why it was ultimately removed:

What clause 11 actually stated

Before it was struck from the bill, Clause 11 read:

“Without prejudice to the applicability of any other law establishing criminal offence, a smuggled migrant shall not be liable to criminal prosecution under this Act, in respect of —
(a) illegal entry into the receiving country or transit country;
(b) remaining illegally in the receiving country or transit country; or
(c) possessing a fraudulent travel or identity document, where such act is a direct consequence of the smuggling of the migrant … and the migrant is a victim of that criminal conduct.”

The clause appears to protect the smuggled migrants from prosecution under the new Act for:

• illegal entry into The Bahamas,
• remaining in the country illegally,
• and using fake documents

as long as those acts happened because they were being smuggled.

The clause positioned migrants primarily as victims of smuggling networks.

What critics said

The official Opposition, the Free National Movement led by Michael Pintard, and members of the Coalition of Independents, argued that Clause 11 imposes unequal accountability because it heavily punishes smugglers but shields smuggled migrants from prosecution under this Act. Many say this made the law one-sided.

“Kill the bill,” Pintard said. “Having been caught as they normally are caught, then they make adjustments, dry eye and not again with any full throated apology and repentance.”

They also said the clause is a potential “pull factor.” Some feared the clause could encourage migrants to willingly use smuggling routes, knowing they would face no legal consequence once in the Bahamas. And it conflicted with public sentiment. Bahamians said both the smuggler and the smuggled should be prosecuted.

What the government says after the clause was removed

Wayne Munroe, leader of government business in the House, said the government intends to reduce human smuggling in the country and strengthen the borders.

“As I have indicated, an [amendment] will be moved to delete section 11. We have heard the outcry. This is a responsive government. This government is responding by removing it. People had. A problem with there being immunity, it is being removed.”

Michael Pintard said he is pleased with the removal of clause 11 but the Opposition will not support the bill.

The bill, though, was passed by the government sometime after 8pm lastnight.

Supporters Trade Chants

FNM Leader: “We’re Focused on Brown”

PLP Candidate: “All or None” When It Comes to Music

WHAT’S AT STAKE ON NOVEMBER 24

• Who fills the vacant parliamentary seat, replacing outgoing MP Vaughn Miller.
• The balance of political momentum heading into the next general election cycle.
• How voters respond to competing narratives on the direction of the country, leadership, cost of living, etc–issues that have been raised in the race.

If the Free National Movement (FNM) wins the Golden Isles by-election in November, it won’t change who governs, but it could change the political mood of the country heading into the next general election.

Here’s what that could mean:

1. The PLP stays in power, but the mood shifts

Even with an FNM victory, the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) would still command a strong majority in Parliament. But politically, perception matters.

A loss could shake confidence in the governing party and prompt swing voters to pay closer attention to the Opposition.

2. The Opposition gets a confidence boost

A win would signal that the FNM’s message is resonating again since its 2021 defeat.

It could energize supporters, attract new donors, and quiet critics who question the party’s readiness to return to government.

More importantly, it gives Pintard momentum and a narrative that the tide is turning in his favor. This would be his first by-election win, strengthening his credibility both within the party and with the wider public.

3. A warning shot for the Government

By-elections often serve as a report card for the sitting government.

If Golden Isles flips, it would suggest voter frustration with the cost of living, lack of opportunities, or a sense that progress is not being felt.

It would force the PLP to adjust its message, refocus its campaign strategy, and reconnect with disenchanted voters ahead of the 2026 election.

The bottom line

An FNM win wouldn’t change the balance of power, but it would change the political mood.

It would show that voters are restless and that the Opposition is gaining ground.

We can expect a more competitive, energized run-up to the next general election.

Some political observers, according to The Nassau Guardian, say Darron Pickstock’s message of neglect in Golden Isles might actually hurt the Progressive Liberal Party and even cast a shadow on his late colleague, Vaughn Miller.

Here’s why:

Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) candidate Darron Pickstock has made “real progress” his campaign theme, saying residents of Golden Isles have been “ignored and neglected” for years. But the problem is, his party has been in power since 2021, and the previous Member of Parliament, Vaughn Miller, was also a PLP member.

When Pickstock criticizes the lack of progress, he is implying that the PLP government and Miller didn’t deliver enough for the people of Golden Isles.

Why it’s a ‘poor reflection’

Miller served as the sitting MP until his death in September. By saying the constituency was “ignored,” Pickstock risks suggesting Miller did not do his job as the member of parliament, even though Miller had recently crossed over from the FNM to the PLP before winning the seat a second time in 2021. Some residents believed Miller was not an effective member of parliament and did very little for the area.

Prime Minister Philip Davis’ government has the resources and authority to fix roads, streetlights, and parks. If those issues remained unfixed after three years in power, voters will ask: Why didn’t your government do something about the problems in the area?

The dilemma is that he is running as a government candidate, but talking like an opposition one.

Pickstock, appearing to be seen as a fresh, action-driven candidate, may be seeking to connect with frustrated voters, but he is also putting his party in an awkward position. His criticism suggests that the PLP has not done enough for the very community it represents.

The bottom line

By highlighting neglect of this government, Pickstock’s message can be seen as a self-inflicted wound, a campaign reminder of what the PLP has not delivered for Golden Isles.

Senator Darron Pickstock has resigned from the Upper Chamber (the Senate) to contest the Golden Isles by-election on November 24, setting aside the stability of his Senate seat for the uncertainty of the campaign trail.

Pickstock’s move comes after the sudden death of Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) Member of Parliament Vaughn Miller, which left the seat vacant. Now, the PLP has placed its confidence and campaign machinery behind Pickstock, hoping he can hold onto a constituency that could signal the country’s political mood heading into the 2026 General Election.

A risky move

Pickstock’s resignation was perhaps a necessary step in that direction.

His decision to step down underscores the ethical and political tightrope that comes with running for elected office while holding an appointed position. But it also leaves him without a guaranteed position in government.

If he loses, he will have no seat in Parliament and may be offered a government position in the background or return to being a lawyer and businessman, stalling his political rise.

This move shows confidence and ambition, and also reveals the high stakes surrounding the by-election.

Why it matters

By-elections in The Bahamas are rare and can act as mini referendums on the ruling party’s performance.

The PLP, led by Prime Minister Philip Davis, has held office since 2021, and the Golden Isles race can be seen as a measure of whether voters still support the government’s leadership or if momentum is shifting toward the Free National Movement (FNM).

Pickstock will face Brian Brown of the FNM, a familiar face who has worked in the constituency since 2010, and Brian Rolle of the third party, Coalition of Independents (COI).

A win for Pickstock would strengthen the PLP politically and possibly raise his profile within the party. A loss, however, would not only put a dent in the government’s confidence but could also sideline him.

The bigger picture

Golden Isles is considered a swing constituency. Voters supported the FNM in 2017, but shifted to the PLP in 2021 after Miller switched parties.

This makes this by-election more than just who replaces Miller— it’s a temperature check on national sentiment.

The PLP is investing money and resources heavily in Pickstock’s campaign, viewing him as a test of the party’s strength and its ability to connect with voters.

The bottom line

Darron Pickstock’s decision to leave the safety of the Senate for a shot in Golden Isles is a political risk that could define his career.

If he wins, he joins the House of Assembly as a rising star in the PLP. If he loses, he fades away.

By-elections are rare in the Bahamas and are not just any political event. On November 24, the constituency of Golden Isles will be voting for a new member of parliament in a by-election.

Since the sudden death of Member of Parliament Vaughn Miller, who represented the constituency for the Progressive Liberal Party, the seat has been up for grabs. Who fills the seat can sway the looming general election expected to be held in seven months.

In his place, Senator Darron Pickstock has resigned from the Upper Chamber to contest the seat for the PLP. He will face Brian Brown, the candidate for the Free National Movement (FNM). Third-party candidate Brian Rolle for the (COI) is joining the race.

How is a by-election different from a general election?

The country is divided into 39 constituencies, and each area is represented by a Member of Parliament in the House of Assembly. While a general election is held every five years to give each constituency an opportunity to choose an MP by the majority of votes, a by-election occurs by chance between a general election when an MP can no longer hold the position and a new MP must be voted in.

A seat in Parliament becomes vacant through death or resignation. By-elections keep representation alive in every constituency.

Why do they matter, and what do they mean to the Progressive Liberal Party?

This by-election could act as a mini referendum on the ruling party, the PLP. The result will reveal whether voters are still confident in Prime Minister Philip Davis’ leadership and the government’s policy since its election in 2021, or are beginning to shift toward the opposition, the Free National Movement.

Being the government, the PLP is putting all of its money, resources, and campaigning behind Pickstock. Because of this, the governing party has the bigger advantage. History has shown that the governing party of the day won three out of five by-elections.

Though only one seat is at stake, the political weight is heavy and the area is under media attention.

The FNM, though, has strong support in the area and is trusting that Brown, a familiar face, can pull off a win, having served in the area since 2010, even running as a candidate but losing to Miller. A win, or even a strong turnout, would prove that momentum is brewing for the FNM.

Golden Isles voted for the FNM in 2017 but voted for the PLP in 2021 after Miller switched parties.