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Top 12 most powerful ministers in Government: Who holds real influence inside Davis administration?

Two weeks after the general election, the new Cabinet of Philip Davis held its first meeting, revealing where real power may sit within government.

Not every minister carries the same influence. Some control money, national crises, infrastructure, international relations and public confidence, while other ministers shape policy behind the scenes.

Based on their influence, importance and closeness to Davis, these ministers appear to be among the most powerful figures in government.

At the center is Michael Halkitis. Davis no longer holds the Finance portfolio himself, handing full responsibility to Halkitis. That move shows enormous trust. Finance remains the most influential ministry because every arm of government depends on budget approval. Halkitis now becomes the public face of the economy as the government prepares the 2026/2027 budget.

Chester Cooper remains one of Cabinet’s most influential figures despite moving into Education, Science and Technology. The appointment suggests the government may be linking education, innovation and workforce modernization to long-term economic development.

Crime remains one of the country’s most emotional political issues, which could place Myles LaRoda under constant pressure. National Security is one of the most sensitive ministries in government.

JoBeth Coleby-Davis gained one of the broadest portfolios in Cabinet after Aviation was added to her responsibilities. The move suggests the government sees energy and infrastructure as connected to economic growth and national stability.

Tourism Minister Glenys Hanna-Martin now oversees the country’s most important economic engine. Her appointment shows that Davis may be prioritising her experience and stability in tourism leadership.

The return of Wayne Munroe through the Senate after losing his seat suggests Davis still sees him as strategically important. As Attorney General, Munroe remains central to legal reform and constitutional matters.

Jerome Fitzgerald could become one of Cabinet’s strongest behind-the-scenes operators after previously serving as Davis’ senior policy advisor and reelection campaign manager.

Public Works Minister Clay Sweeting oversees roads, infrastructure and Family Island projects, making his ministry highly visible and politically important.

Veteran politician Fred Mitchell remains influential through diplomacy, regional relationships and international representation.

Pia Glover-Rolle gained additional responsibility with National Insurance added to her portfolio, showing Davis’ confidence in her ability to continually manage labor tensions and public sector disputes.

Despite criticism from the Bahamas Nurses Union, Dr. Michael Darville retained Health, one of the government’s most publicly scrutinized ministries.

And Ginger Moxey remains politically important as Grand Bahama continues to represent economic recovery, investment hopes and national redevelopment efforts.

 

The Cabinet reveals a government relying heavily on trusted loyalists, experienced veterans and crisis managers as the Davis administration enters what could become one of its most demanding terms yet.

Is it really hard to beat the PLP?

Defeating an incumbent government always seems like a steep climb. Prime Minister Philip Davis and the Progressive Liberal Party enter the May 12 election with advantages that come with power, like visibility and the ability to shape the national conversation.

Michael Pintard, now leading the Free National Movement into his first election as party leader, represents a different kind of challenge. He is not a newcomer to politics, having served in a previous administration—but this is his first real test as the face of a major party.

He will need to turn opposition energy into governing credibility.

Bahamian voters have developed a pattern of changing governments every election cycle since 1997, a reminder that incumbency does not guarantee security in government. If anything, it suggests that Bahamian voters are often willing to reassess and reset.

So is it really hard to beat the PLP?

The difficulty lies in the PLP’s structural advantages: established constituency works, campaign machinery, and the visibility that comes with governance.

But those same factors can also create pressure for the PLP. Allegations of improprieties and questions around governance, whether proven or not, introduce vulnerabilities. So does voter fatigue. After some time in office, the same leadership can feel stagnant, particularly if voters are seeking visible changes, especially among those who feel that key promises have not been fully delivered.

For the FNM, there are at least two clear pathways to victory.

If Pintard can energize dissatisfied voters, particularly those frustrated by cost-of-living pressures, the failing public systems, immigration issues, etc., and turn those sentiments into a high turnout, the race tightens quickly.

Secondly, Pintard must convince voters that the FNM is not just an alternative, but a better option. That means discipline, clarity, and a forward-looking message that builds trust.

The old guard: Are they trusted leaders or is it time for change?

There is a point in Bahamian politics where experience begins to look less like strength and more like an overstay.

Prime Minister Philip Davis, Glenys Hanna-Martin, and Fred Mitchell are not only candidates in the 2026 Election, but the old guard within Bahamian politics.

With decades in frontline roles, they bring continuity, deep constituency ties, and experience that newer candidates simply cannot replicate overnight.

But that longevity in politics is ricky.

The longer political figures like Davis, Hanna-Martin and Mitchell remain in front-line politics, the more they become associated with the status quo. For voters looking for change, that distinction is important. Voters know they can lead but many question, “Why haven’t things changed in the Bahamas?”

In politics where MPs have served for 20 or even 30 years, familiarity can breed fatigue.

Longstanding relationships with voters can secure loyalty and wins at the polls, but they can also create barriers for newer faces and voices trying to emerge.

Over time, seats can begin to feel more like political strongholds.

But Bahamian politics may be shifting. Voters are becoming more fluid, less rigidly tied to party lines, and increasingly influenced by the national mood of the country rather than loyalty.

This does not mean that veteran politicians are automatically unseated, but it does narrow the margin to become comfortable and complacent.

Change happens the moment voters begin to see longevity in politics not as leadership, but as a limitation to the country’s advancement.

It remains to be seen whether Davis, Hanna-Martin and Mitchell can still convince voters that their experience is driving the future and not holding it back.

Is the playing field level this election?

With just days before voters head to the polls, questions about fairness, trust, and transparency are shaping the conversation of the 2026 general election.

At the center of the debate is Prime Minister Philip Davis and his administration, facing mounting criticism from the opposition Free National Movement over whether the electoral process is truly even.

FNM leader Michael Pintard and party chairman Dr Duane Sands have both raised concerns in recent days, pointing to what they describe as troubling developments and “political corruption” within the electoral system. Among them: issues at the Parliamentary Registration Department, questions around voter registration processes, voter card disputes, preferential treatment for the governing party, names not on the advance poll register though eligible, and broader concerns about administrative transparency.

The FNM sees it as “a coordinated effort” to disadvantage their party. “It is a direct threat to a free and fair election, which is fundamental to our democracy,” Sands said.

One of the more striking developments has been the FNM’s call for international observers, including from the United States, to monitor the election. That request shows a level of unease that goes beyond routine political rhetoric and into questions about electoral confidence.

The governing Progressive Liberal Party has not conceded any wrongdoing and continues to project confidence in the integrity of the process.

On one hand, the Bahamas has established an electoral system designed to ensure fairness, including oversight by the Parliamentary Commissioner Harrison Thompson and structured voting procedures.

On the other hand, when opposition parties raise alarms—whether about voter lists, administrative delays, or institutional conduct, it can erode public confidence, regardless of whether those concerns are substantiated.

Elections are judged by how they are conducted and whether voters believe they were conducted fairly.

Can the system be trusted?

Davis won it many times before, but what if he doesn’t this time?

Philip Davis is no stranger to Cat Island, Rum Cay and San Salvador. As the Progressive Liberal Party standard bearer, he has represented the constituency for decades, first winning in 1992, losing once in 1997, and reclaiming the seat in 2002, holding it ever since.

The numbers suggest a PLP stronghold.

Challenging him this time is Free National Movement candidate Mike Holmes, a businessman with roots in Cat Island, and Coalition of Independents candidate Donna McKay.

While neither enters as the clear favourite, both represent different types of pressure for Davis.

Holmes is his strongest competitor in the race, and McKay is part of a growing undercurrent of voter frustration with the two-party system.

In 2012, Davis edged out the FNM candidate at the time in a competitive race, and in subsequent elections, his margins have remained comfortable. By 2021, he secured 876 votes, significantly ahead of his opponents, reinforcing the perception that the seat leans PLP heavily.

But this election is different because Davis is not just the incumbent MP, he is the sitting prime minister. That raises the stakes. His performance in this constituency will be a reflection of his national leadership.

McKay’s presence in the race can shift the dynamics, though third parties have historically found it difficult to convert support into seats. It is not known what the COI’s strength is on the ground in the constituency.

PLPFNM? The “lesser of two evils” debate returns as election nears

For decades, politics here has largely been a contest between the Progressive Liberal Party and the Free National Movement. Governance has alternated between the two major parties.

When voters grow frustrated with one, they turn to the other, hoping for change.

But a growing number of Bahamians, especially online, argue there is little difference at all.

Some Coalition of Independent supporters even fuse the names into one label: “PLPFNM.” The message is blunt and clear: two sides of the same coin, meaning different colours and similar results.

That sentiment has fueled interest in the Coalition of Independents, led by Lincoln Bain, whose social media presence is strong and whose supporters say they are tired of the traditional duopoly. For them, voting outside the two major parties is about protest and winning the government.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Philip Brave Davis is seeking another term, arguing his administration has delivered stability and recovery. On the other side, Michael Pintard, now leading the FNM, presents himself as a renewed alternative, hoping to convince voters that his party represents a different direction.

So what is the wisest choice for voters who feel stuck?

In the Bahamas, seats are won constituency by constituency, and third parties struggle to convert energy into parliamentary seats. A protest vote may send a signal, but it may not change who governs.

Staying home, some argue, is a form of protest, but low voter turnout rarely disrupts political patterns and often strengthens them.

Choosing between imperfect options is uncomfortable, but elections are about power — who gets it, and what they do with it.

For voters wrestling with “PLPFNM” fatigue, the real question may not be who is the lesser of two evils, but it may be, ‘which choice gives my vote the greatest impact?

Betting on continuity, can Davis repeat what Mottley did?

As Barbados delivers a third consecutive term to Prime Minister Mia Mottley, reinforcing political dominance, Prime Minister Philip Davis is also seeking a consecutive victory, with an election that could be called any day.

Davis is betting that continuity, paired with his message of “progress”, will resonate with voters.

Like Mottley, he is asking voters to stay the course with him rather than pivot, as the Bahamas, like Barbados, navigate inflation, crime, global geopolitical tension, and climate vulnerabilities.

Mia Mottley and supporters after her win on Wednesday

But long dominance in politics can risk voter fatigue. Bahamians traditionally lean toward changing powers every election cycle.

Regional leaders watch these patterns closely.

Caribbean prime ministers tend to study each other. They observe what messaging worked in Barbados, what failed in Jamaica, and what energised voters in Trinidad. They pay attention to tone, whether voters reward assertive leadership or prefer softer, consensus-driven approaches.

Barbados Labour Party, led by Mia Mottley won all seats, with no Opposition

They note whether economic messaging outweighs social issues like crime and the cost of living.

If a regional leader wins on a platform of continuity and global credibility, others may adopt that script. If voters punish arrogance or disconnect, that lesson is adapted too.

For Davis, Mottley’s consecutive victories may reinforce the belief that incumbency, when framed as progress, can overcome voter fatigue.

But Bahamian voters are not Barbadian voters. Their concerns differ.

Could Davis follow Mia Mottley’s snap election playbook?

As the Bahamas edges closer to an election, Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley’s move is turning heads.

Over the weekend, Mottley announced a snap general election for February 11, even though her government still had time left on its constitutional term. It is the second time she has done this with at least a year remaining.

Photo credit: Barbados Today

Mottley is widely admired across the Caribbean and the world, and leaders have publicly praised her leadership style.

Mottley led the Barbados Labour Party (BPL) to back-to-back 30–0 election victories in 2018 and 2022. The Opposition is newly led by Ralph Thorne of the Democratic Labour Party (DLP), who crossed over from the BLP in 2024.  Mottley has recently finalized her slate of candidates. DLP said it is ready to contest the election with a full slate of candidates.

This raises an obvious question for the Bahamas. The next general election is not constitutionally due until September. But the political temperature in the country is intensifying. VAT relief on grocery items is scheduled to take effect in April. New constituencies have been added. Candidates are being ratified. Campaign messaging is intensifying on social media.

Like Mottley, Davis also platformed climate change.

Like Mottley, Davis also granted legal land titles to people.

Like Mottley, Davis is also seeking a second consecutive term, though Bahamian voters have historically elected the alternate party.

The risks are big as early elections can backfire if voters feel rushed or are still not convinced that the government should be reelected. Prime Minister Hubert Minnis attempted it but lost in 2021.

But Mottley is showing confidence, and it remains to be seen if conditions are favourable for a win.

No election date has been announced in the Bahamas.

5 things Sebas Bastian brings to the PLP ticket

The Progressive Liberal Party has officially selected the famed gaming businessman and ambassador Sebas Bastian to run on its Fort Charlotte ticket in the upcoming general election— a move that could be seen as a strategic play by the governing party.

Last week, Thursday, Sebas Bastian was seen with supporters following an interview with the Progressive Liberal Party Candidate Committee | The Nassau Guardian

Here are 5 things Sebas Bastian brings to the PLP ticket—some of which could strengthen the party and stir backlash:

  1. Money

Bastian is one of the country’s wealthiest businessmen, making most of his wealth from gaming.

As the owner of Island Luck, one of the country’s largest gaming companies, and other business ventures, he brings deep financial resources that could supercharge the PLP’s campaign operations, making Fort Charlotte one of the most competitive constituencies in the next election.

Island Luck - Reviews, Photos & Phone Number - Updated October 2025 - Casinos in Bahamas - Wheree

  1. Media Influence

Bastian controls a popular private media outlet– Eyewitness News.

That gives him an audience, visibility, narrative control, and influence that few to no candidates possess.

Eleuthera business overwhelmed by water issues

  1. Youth

At 40, Bastian represents a perceived new generation of leadership within the PLP, one that could resemble what Bahamians have been calling for, rather than the party’s old guard.

He can be perceived as a fresh face with new ideas, possibly expanding the party’s base beyond traditional supporters.

  1. A brand as an innovator

Bastian has branded himself as a modern, innovative entrepreneur with investments in various ventures and constantly holds motivational conferences under the banner OWN Talks.

His inclusion on the PLP ticket could help the party appeal to younger, business-minded voters, which is a persuasion that the party is shifting toward innovation within its political circle.

OWN TALKS - Felecia Hatcher, Sebas Bastian and Les Brown

  1. A controversial gaming connection

While his gaming business empire brings him success, it also carries baggage.

The gaming industry remains controversial among religious and conservative communities in the Bahamas, which have long opposed its legalization and increase.

Davis sends message to union leaders: ‘I don’t believe in cussing and carrying on’

In an address to public workers, Prime Minister Philip Davis delivered a pointed message–saying he doesn’t “believe in cussing and carrying on,” but in “partnership and finding solutions,” – a slight at union leaders of the Bahamas Public Service Union (BPSU) and the Bahamas Union of Teachers (BUT), Kimsley Ferguson and Belinda Wilson, who threatened another protest over the delayed salary increase.

Speaking during a national address on Tuesday night, Davis bypassed the union leaders whom he had promised a meeting, and said he was speaking directly to public workers as tension rises.

“I will not sit in rooms where respect is not mutual. Real progress happens when grown men and women sit down and reason with each other,” Davis said.

While reiterating his respect for unions, Davis said, “Fights get us nowhere. We need progress and respect. We achieve nothing by thrashing words in the press.” He continued, “Cussing and carrying on don’t work for ‘Brave.’ We are adults and  we must act like it.”

The big picture

This comes after Ferguson and Wilson met with Davis on Monday as promised, following a heated protest last Wednesday over the delayed salary increase to December instead of September.

During Monday’s meeting, the pair and Davis reviewed the salary for public servants, but were to meet on Tuesday to finalize the logistics of the increase. Wilson, addressing the media afterward, stated that a protest was imminent if the agreement was not finalized for workers’ next pay day, October 25.

Davis, moments later, issued a press statement, cancelling Tuesday’s meeting due to Wilson’s comments.

What’s at stake?

By addressing public workers instead of union leaders in a meeting as promised, Davis could be seen as undercutting unions’ influence. The move risks alienating Wilson and Ferguson, who may feel publicly sidelined.

Davis may want to be seen as the reasonable figure in a heated dispute, positioning his government as solutions-oriented and above the fray.

It remains to be seen if this tone and new position will calm tensions or deepen the divide between the government and the unions.