election2026

Marathon seems to be a seat that does not stay loyal to either party for long, and often reflects the national mood of the country.

That history makes the upcoming election especially significant.

Incumbent Lisa Rahming of the Progressive Liberal Party will defend the seat against Jacqueline Penn-Knowles of the Free National Movement and Tyrone Green of the Coalition of Independents.

In the 2021 general election, Rahming secured a decisive victory with 2,050 votes, defeating FNM candidate Romauld Ferreira, who received 884 votes. The Coalition of Independents candidate earned 264 votes, while other minor parties got 74 votes.

Marathon’s electoral history shows shifts every election season.

The constituency has changed hands multiple times over the past two decades. Earl Deveaux won the seat for the FNM in 2007. It shifted to the PLP in 2012 under Jerome Fitzgerald, before returning to the FNM in 2017 with Romauld Ferreira. By 2021, it swung again, this time back to the PLP with Rahming’s victory.

That pattern raises a key question heading into the next election: Is Marathon preparing to swing again?

For the FNM, the seat represents a realistic pickup opportunity if national momentum shifts in its favor. For the PLP, retaining Marathon would signal continued strength beyond a single election cycle.

The presence of the Coalition of Independents is another layer of uncertainty. While third parties have historically struggled to win seats, their ability to attract dissatisfied voters could influence margins in close races.

Much will depend on the ground campaigns, turnout, voter engagement and how effectively each party connects with constituents on issues like cost of living, jobs and community development.

The Freetown constituency is shaping up to be a battleground in the upcoming general election, with four candidates competing to become the next parliamentarian for the area.

Incumbent Wayne Munroe of the Progressive Liberal Party will defend his seat against Lincoln Deal of the Free National Movement, Olivia Griffin of the Coalition of Independents, and independent candidate Andrew Johnson.

In 2021, Munroe secured the seat with 1,629 votes, defeating then-FNM candidate Dionisio D’Aguilar, who received 1,220 votes. Third-party COI got 199 votes, while other fringe candidates collectively captured a smaller share.

This time, however, the dynamics seems more complex.

After failing to secure the FNM nomination, Johnson has opted to run as an independent, portraying himself as a grassroots candidate with deep ties to the constituency. He could siphon votes from the FNM base or even draw support from disaffected voters across party lines.

Deal represents a fresh face for the FNM. As a young businessman, he may appeal to younger voters and those seeking a new face, particularly in a constituency where voter expectations could be shifting.

For Munroe, the challenge appears different. While incumbency means experience, there are indications that concerns about representation could impact his support.  It remains to be seen whether that sentiment translates into votes at the polls.

Griffin, representing the COI, is also positioning herself as a community-based candidate. The party has gained traction among voters who feel frustrated with the traditional two-party system, and her campaign could resonate with those seeking an alternative.

In a race with four viable candidates, the concern is how the vote is split.

For decades, St Anne’s has been regarded as one of the most reliable strongholds for the Free National Movement, a constituency widely considered a “safe seat” for the party.

But as the country moves closer to another general election, the race is drawing attention.

Incumbent MP Adrian White will once again carry the FNM banner, facing a challenge from Keno Wong of the Progressive Liberal Party and Graham Weatherford of the Coalition of Independents.

Historically, voters in St Anne’s have consistently supported the FNM. In 2007, veteran politician Brent Symonette secured the seat for the party. Five years later, in 2012, the constituency elected Hubert Chipman. Symonette returned in 2017 before stepping aside ahead of the 2021 general election, when White captured the seat.

In that race, White won decisively with 2,007 votes. Christopher Saunders, running for the PLP at the time, received 1,253 votes, while COI candidate Sheneise Miller secured 172. Candidates from the Democratic National Alliance and independents combined for just 82 votes.

For PLP Wong, the numbers reflect a long-standing political loyalty he hopes to shift. He has lived in the area for years, and says his deep ties to the community motivated him to enter frontline politics. Wong has argued that while the constituency has historically supported the FNM, residents may now be ready for new leadership.

White, however, remains confident. During his ratification, he pointed to his record in office and reaffirmed his commitment to advancing the FNM’s vision for the constituency, expressing confidence that voters will give him a second term.

Weatherford, new to frontline politics, the strength of his ground campaign remains unclear. But as frustration with the traditional two-party system grows, third-party candidates could siphon votes that might otherwise determine the results in close races.

When the Democratic National Alliance announced last September that it was “back by popular demand,” the announcement suggested that another third party was preparing to re-enter the political landscape.

Months later, however, that return has yet to materialize.

The party, founded by Branville McCartney, once positioned itself as a major alternative in Bahamian politics. It contested the 2012 general election with significant momentum and remained active in the 2017 and 2021 elections. But after former leader Arinthia Komolafe resigned several years ago, the party largely faded from public view.

Last year’s announcement appeared to signal a revival for the party.

In a press statement at the time, the DNA said it intended to regroup, reorganize and reenergize, promising pragmatic and fact-based solutions to issues such as the cost of living, corruption, crime, job creation, and other social concerns ahead of the 2026 election season.

The party also indicated that it planned to hold a convention to elect new officers and chart its path forward.

But since that declaration, there has been no public activity.

There have been no major candidate ratifications, no campaign messaging, and few public statements outlining how the party plans to compete in the upcoming election cycle.

The party did briefly reappear during the Golden Isles by-election in November, when executive member Rudolph Dean announced that the DNA would support independent candidate Karen Butler. Dean said Butler’s views aligned closely with the party’s values, though he stopped short of confirming whether she would run under the DNA banner in the next general election.

Butler ultimately received just 16 votes.

Following that outcome, Dean argued that the results still underscored the need for another political option in the country. He pointed to low voter turnout, voter apathy, and what he described as a wait-and-see attitude among voters ahead of the next general election.

For now, however, the question remains unresolved: If the DNA is back, when will Bahamians actually see it on the political stage again?

The current dispute between the government and the Grand Bahama Port Authority did not begin with the recent arbitration ruling. In many ways, it is the continuation of a debate that stretches back more than half a century, to the era of Lynden Pindling.

When the Grand Bahama Port Authority was created under the Hawksbill Creek Agreement, Freeport became one of the most unique economic arrangements in the Caribbean. The agreement granted the Port Authority powers over land development, licensing, and investment within the port area, effectively allowing a private company to manage many functions typically handled by the government.

When Pindling’s Progressive Liberal Party came to power in 1967, that arrangement became a national issue.

Pindling understood the economic importance of Freeport. He famously said he had no intention of “killing the goose that laid the golden eggs,” a phrase often used to describe the prosperity the port brought to Grand Bahama.

But he also made clear that the balance of power could not remain unchanged forever.

Pindling questioned whether the model would eventually have to adjust to reflect Bahamian sovereignty. The government wanted a greater role in economic participation and oversight, even while allowing the Port Authority to continue operating.

That tension between economic partnership and government control has lingered ever since.

Today, Prime Minister Philip Davis is attempting to echo Pindling in the recent arbitration ruling with the Port Authority. While the tribunal dismissed the government’s claim for $357 million in reimbursement, the administration has argued that the decision still affirmed an important principle—Freeport ultimately exists under Bahamian law and parliamentary authority.

The Port Authority’s leadership, including co-chairman Rupert Hayward, has pushed back on some of that framing, emphasizing the Port’s longstanding partnership with the country and its role in developing Grand Bahama over generations.

What has followed is a narrative battle.

The government has framed the arbitration as part of a broader effort to rebalance the relationship between the government and the Port Authority. The Hayward family, meanwhile, has defended its legacy and its identity as deeply rooted in the Bahamian story.

With a general election expected at any moment, the dispute has quickly moved to politics.

For voters watching the back-and-forth, the debate may appear to be about a specific arbitration case. But the deeper issue is one that Bahamians have heard before. It is the same question that hovered over Freeport when Pindling first entered office decades ago: Who ultimately controls the future of Freeport — the government of the Bahamas, or the private authority that helped build it?

The Golden Gates constituency will be a closely watched race as three familiar names prepare to face off again.

Progressive Liberal Party incumbent Pia Glover-Rolle will defend the seat against Michael Foulkes of the Free National Movement and Sharmaine Adderley representing the Coalition of Independents.

The rematch largely mirrors the 2021 race. That year, Glover-Rolle, then a political newcomer, defeated the veteran Foulkes with 1,872 votes to his 1,177. Adderley, running as a third-party candidate, received 263 votes, while the Democratic National Alliance collected 85 votes. Other independent candidates together accounted for 163 votes.

Golden Gates has historically leaned toward the Progressive Liberal Party. From 2002 to 2012, the constituency was represented by the PLP’s Shane Gibson, who maintained a strong hold on the area during that decade.

However, the seat can shift. In 2017, Michael Foulkes unseated Gibson in a decisive victory, securing 2,373 votes compared to Gibson’s 1,816. Four years later, the pendulum swung again when Glover-Rolle captured the constituency for the PLP.

The upcoming election will test whether Glover-Rolle’s support holds or whether Foulkes, a seasoned political figure in the area, can reclaim the seat.

Another variable is the presence of Sharmaine Adderley under the Coalition of Independents banner. While her support on the ground remains uncertain, she is not new to the race and could draw additional votes as some Bahamians continue to express frustration with the traditional two-party system.

It remains to be seen whether those votes will meaningfully affect the results. But with the constituency’s recent history of swings between the PLP and FNM, Golden Gates is one to watch.

As the country awaits the announcement of a general election, the constituency of Elizabeth is again under close watch.

Incumbent JoBeth Coleby-Davis is seeking to maintain the PLP’s hold on the seat. The FNM has nominated Heather Hunt to reclaim ground in the constituency. Donna Dorsette-Major is running under the Coalition of Independents banner, adding another variable to the equation.

Long considered a Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) stronghold, Elizabeth has delivered consistent support to the party over the years, but not without moments of dramatic shifts.

The seat has a history of razor-thin contests. The 2010 by-election remains one of the closest in modern politics, decided by just two votes. PLP’s Ryan Pinder edged out the Free National Movement’s (FNM) Dr. Duane Sands in that historic contest. Pinder went on to defeat Sands again in the 2012 general election.

But Elizabeth is not immune to political waves.

In 2017, amid a national swing toward the FNM, Dr Sands captured the seat decisively, securing 61 percent of the vote. That victory highlighted a key reality that Elizabeth may lean PLP, but it is not untouchable.

In 2021, the seat returned to the PLP. JoBeth Coleby-Davis won with 1,893 votes, defeating Sands, who secured 1,516. Third parties and independent candidates collectively drew several hundred votes — the Coalition of Independents (204), the Democratic National Alliance (66), an independent candidate (165), and smaller parties accounting for 26 votes.

Those numbers are significant.

With 3,870 registered voters, shifts of a few hundred ballots can change the outcome, particularly if third-party support grows in the area.

Elizabeth stretches from Barrine Close in the west to Fox Hill Road in the east, a diverse constituency where turnout and the national mood could determine the results.